Less than two months ago, many political observers would have said DMK’s greatest advantage was its alliance. Secular Progressive Alliance (SPA), more often referred to as the ‘DMK-led alliance’, had all the makings of a cohesive team: parties that broadly agreed on leftist principles, and represented different sections and communities including dalits and Muslims. On June 20, when IUML announced it was no longer part of SPA, DMK’s isolation looked complete.
The departure of allies is not the crisis; it is evidence of one.
IUML was one of DMK’s oldest allies. Except for the period 1996–2004, when it allied with AIADMK, the Muslim league had been DMK’s electoral partner since 1967. VCK, considered another ‘staunch DMK ally’, has sailed on many boats since its inception in 1999. So has Congress, which joined hands with M Karunanidhi’s DMK in 1971 (barely four years after DMK defeated it), and with MGR throughout his period in power, and later with J Jayalalithaa when DMK joined NDA.
The left parties have also jumped ship when it suited them. Despite this history of political oscillations, SPA appeared organically cohesive. But the electoral defeat has offered lessons on how fragile an alliance can be on the inside while it looks robust and formidable on the outside. If MDMK and a couple of other minor allies are staying put with DMK, it’s because their MLAs were elected on the DMK symbol – and are hence, technically, DMK legislators. I won’t be surprised if some of them resign from the assembly and dive into the TVK washing machine.
This is not the worst political crisis the Dravidian party has encountered; it has survived dismissals, defeats and scandals. This time, the party is at another crossroads, alone. And it’s time for DMK to do some deep thinking – and systematic action.
TVK’s surprising – and shocking to many – victory was largely a result of C Joseph Vijay’s popularity as an actor and his image of having left a lucrative career with the promise of bringing about a change. It was also, at a deeper level, a result of a disinterest and disconnect that people, especially the younger generation, had in the way the Dravidian majors conducted their politics with a sense of entitlement. No DMK leader can match Vijay’s celebrity appeal, which may gradually fade as voters begin judging him less as a film star and more as an administrator.
What DMK can do better is draw upon its unmatched cadre base and grassroots network to reinvent itself. There are two ways to do it. One is by looking back, the other by moving forward. There was a time when DMK – like any successful cadre-based party – went to the people, engaged itself in their life struggles and walked alongside them. Somewhere down the line, as the party prospered in power, the cadres stopped listening to people, and leaders stopped listening to those few cadres who still had their ear to the ground. Now is the time for DMK to go back to the Annadurai School of Politics for grassroots engagement, political education and clear communication.
Anna’s public compassion and political pragmatism still hold good in today’s politics. His ideas of cultural identity and social justice are not feeble notions to be swept away by a glamorous political newbie (who, incidentally, tries to lay claim to those slogans). Indeed, times have changed. The next generation may still adore Anna’s oratory skills, but DMK needs to be more conversational – and in conversation with the new realities. Should DMK reclaim its lost glory, it will be through a journey back to the future.
Disclaimer
Views expressed above are the author’s own.
